Russian Studies

Cada qual ainda encontrou nos antigos, aquilo que precisava ou desejava. Sobretudo a si mesmo." Friedrich Schlegel Os Demônios (Бесы) (1872) romance considerado profético -polêmico em sua época, foi atacado tanto pela esquerda quanto pela direita. Com sua trama complexa, extensa e polifônica, o livro ainda hoje é mal compreendido. Alguns o interpretaram como obra absurda, fruto de uma mente insana. Outros o analisam como um romance anti-revolucionário e reacionário. Assim como Turgueniev havia feito em Pais e Filhos[1] o livro trata da relação entre as duas gerações de opositores ao regime czarista. E assim como Turgueniev havia Get unlimited access to the best of Medium for less than $1/week. Become a member Open in app Search 16/06/2025, 18:43 Os Demônios de Dostoiévski. "Cada qual ainda encontrou nos antigos… | by Guttto | Medium -de-dostoiévski-874a4a78a786 1/13

16. yüzyıl Avrupa’sında skolastik bilginin sarsıldığı, deneyimin otorite kazandığı Rönesans hümanizmi ve Reform atmosferinde seyahat yazını, yeni bilgi biçimlerinin üretildiği önemli bir alana dönüşmüştür. Bu makale, 16. yüzyılda Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nu ziyaret eden iki Avrupalı seyyahı, Hans Dernschwam’ın Tagebuch’u (Seyahat Günlüğü) ile Ogier Ghiselin de Busbecq’in Turcicae Epistolae’sini (Türk Mektupları) karşılaştırmalı olarak inceleyerek, erken modern seyahat yazınının tarihi belge niteliğinin yanı sıra etnografik-anlatısal bilgi üretim pratikleri içerdiğini de ileri sürmektedir. Çalışmanın amacı, bu seyahatnameleri tarihsel-etnografik malzemeler olarak konumlandırmak ve seyahat anlatılarının kültürel temsil biçimleri ile söylemsel stratejilerini analiz etmektir. Karşılaştırmalı metin analizi yöntemiyle gerçekleştirilen çalışmada, Busbecq’in Osmanlı’yı reformcu bir model olarak sunan pragmatik anlatısıyla, Dernschwam’ın Protestan ahlâkının perspektifinden Osmanlı’yı dini ve kültürel yozlaşmanın simgesi olarak dışlayan yaklaşımı arasındaki söylemsel gerilim ortaya konmaktadır. Bu metinlerin, yalnızca bireysel izlenimlerden ibaret olmayan; ideolojik, kültürel ve epistemolojik kodlarla örülü metinler olduğu savunulmaktadır. Makale, Dernschwam ve Busbecq karşılaştırması üzerinden, erken modern seyahat anlatılarının modern etnografi için bir “saha” oluşturduğunu savunarak, örnek metinlerin tarihsel-etnografik yöntemle okunmasının, günümüz Osmanlı araştırmaları ve kültürel çalışmalar alanı için sunduğu özgün metodolojik ve teorik katkılara dikkat çekmektedir.

Концепт «общее благо» можно обнаружить в отечественной
культуре уже в средневековых текстах. Это не удивительно, поскольку для христианства характерна установка на видение мира
как единого целого, созданного богом. И общее благо здесь выступает нормативным концептом, обладающим регулятивной
силой. Оно проявляется в моральной устремленности индивида,
осознающего себя связанным с другими людьми. До XVI в. эти
идеи преимущественно оставались неким религиозным идеалом,
но уже с конца XVI в. начинается постепенное наполнение этого
концепта социально-политическим содержанием. Достаточно
отчетливо эти трансформации представлений об общем благе
можно проследить, анализируя концепт «домостроительство».
Тема «домостроительного» (перевод с греч. «ойкономиа»), взятая в широком контексте, включает не только строительство отдельного «дома», дома-Вселенной, но и «мира»

The article presents an analysis of the subsumption of labor to capital and how this antagonistic and contradictory relationship constitutes an obstacle to the emancipation of labor, understanding from the Marxian ontological perspective that the associated work is the foundation of emancipated society, and constitutes a free, conscious, collective and universal activity. Thus such analysis has as its starting point a certain historical moment, the capitalist society. In this sense, we analyze the process of primitive accumulation of capital presupposed in the relation capital / labor; the control of capital and the assumptions of the associated work, which present among them the end of the subsumption of value of use to the value of exchange, and of private property, that is, of the subordination of labor to capital.

The purpose of this article is to reconstruct the historical and cultural context that allowed Ardengo Soffici to elaborate the unpublished manuscript entitled «Voglio la Vodka!» Tre tempi. The main source is precisely Soffici's autobiography which, dwelling on the years in which Soffici lived in Paris (1900-1914), highlights some important figures who brought the Tuscan writer closer to the Russian world: first and foremost Hélène d'OEttingen, Serge Férat, and the artist Aleksandra Ekster. The two women, together with other Russian intellectuals, would in fact be indelible presences in Soffici's later drama. The unpublished work, composed between 1944 and 1945 during the period of detention in the fascist camp in Terni, shows, in addition to the ambivalent relationship of encounter and clash between West and East, how at the centre of human action there are crystallised, and undoubtedly autobiographical, feelings of jealousy and melancholy towards a past to be cherished and remembered.

The rapid collapse of the Syrian regime has surprised the international community. With Russian and Iranian assistance, al-Assad had managed to weather the effects of the Arab Spring and remain in power, controlling most of the country and containing opposition groups. The survival of the regime under Russian tutelage and Iranian interventionism was gradually accepted by its neighbours, who viewed it as the lesser evil. This could explain the normalization of relations with other Arab countries, the rapprochement with Turkey, or the deterrence exerted by Israel. This paper analyses the fall of al-Assad's regime in the context of a new reconfiguration of regional balances provoked by the Gaza War and outlines the potential implications this event may have for the future of the Middle East.

Munizioni avanzate e sistemi spaziali e satellitari; artiglieria e missili da crociera, balistici e ipersonici; velivoli con pilota e droni; grandi aerei per il trasporto di equipaggiamenti o truppe; sofisticate attrezzature per la guerra elettronica e cyber; sviluppo dell’Intelligenza Artificiale e della mobilità militare. Alla ricerca e produzione di queste tecnologie di guerra gli Stati membri dell’Unione Europea dovranno destinare ingentissime risorse finanziarie, riconvertendo a uso militare buona parte dell’apparato produttivo e industriale e militarizzando vasti territori del vecchio continente, le infrastrutture logistiche e trasportistiche ed ogni sfera della ricerca, dell’istruzione e dell’informazione.

Una storia di figure piccole, condotte con tanta arte e diligenza: «История Орфея» Якопо дель Селлайо и несколько рисунков Филиппино Липпи и мастерской из собрания галереи Уффици В собрании Кабинета рисунков и гравюр галереи Уффици хранится рисунок, выполненный на загрунтованной бумаге серебряным штифтом с добавлением белил (инв. 249Е) (Илл. 123). Некогда он фигурировал в описях кабинета как работа анонимного флорентийского мастера, затем -как рисунок, сделанный в манере Филиппино Липпи, а начиная с публикации Б. Беренсона в «Рисунках флорентийских мастеров» [5, cat. 1306] единодушно признается его автографом. В каталоге группы Esposti, составленном А. Петриоли Тофани [18, cat. 49], и в новейшей литературе о мастере [17, cat. 107], как и некогда в старинных описях собрания Кабинета, наш рисунок значится «изображением фигуры сидящего мужчины, (поющего и) играющего на скрипке (лире да браччо)». Проницательный Б. Беренсон указывал, без пояснений, но и не без сомнения, что на рисунке изображен музицирующий царь Давид. Интерпретация, повторенная А. Шарфом в первой критической монографии о Филип- пино [23, Kat. 262], не получила поддержки в литературе, и это не удивительно: изображение Давида-псалмопевца со смычковым инструментом в руках, хотя и встречается в итальянской живописи Возрождения, до 1530-х годов является сравнительной редкостью 1 . К тому же мы не найдем ни одной живописной работы Липпи, где фигурировал бы поющий Давид. В каталоге графического корпуса мастера И. Шумейкер [26, cat. 47, р. 211-212] решительно настаивала на принадлежности этого листа к disegni dal modello, ссылаясь на бытовавшую в итальянской графике традицию изображения музыкантов. Примером может служить группа из трех листов, также хранящаяся в Уффици, на которых изображены лютнист (инв. 91Е), ангел, играющий на скрипке (инв. 92Е), и певец, акккомпанирующий себе на лире да браччо (инв. 93Е), представленный сходным с нашим героем образом. В старину рисунки приписывались фра Анджелико, но позднее были отнесены ко второй половине столетия, вначале как работа Алессио Бальдовинетти, затем -анонимного флорентийского мастера. Импровизационное пение под аккомпанемент лиры да браччо было распространено в музыкальной среде 1 В качестве примера приведем фреску в соборе в Венафро, середины XV в. и картину из мастерской Ладзаро Бастиани (Музей, Коррер Венеция). Подробнее об этом см.: [7; 14].

Англо-бурская война 1899–1902 гг. вызвала необычайно сильный отклик среди представителей всех социальных групп в Российской империи. Они активно обсуждали этические вопросы, связанные с этим вооруженным конфликтом. Причины ажиотажа в России вокруг, казалось бы, далекой южноафриканской войны еще предстоит выяснить. Показательны в этом смысле взгляды Л. Н. Толстого, одного из влиятельнейших русских литераторов и мыслителей рубежа XIX–XX вв. До последних лет жизни он осмыслял опыт Англо-бурской войны при разработке своего учения о непротивлении злу насилием, а его последователи развивали эти идеи в своих публикациях. Осуждая обе противоборствующие стороны за то, что они прибегли к насилию для разрешения своих противоречий, Толстой в личном общении не скрывал симпатии к защитникам бурских республик. Расхождения между его публичными и непубличными высказываниями стали достоянием общественности. По мере перехода республиканских вооруженных формирований к партизанским действиям, Толстой, несмотря на свое неприятие военных методов, заявлял в своих публицистических работах о своей поддержке буров как стороны, продемонстрировавшей моральное превосходство над захватчиками. Он рассматривал южноафриканский конфликт в глобальном контексте, как типичную войну новой эпохи. Такие конфликты характеризовались аморальными целями и методами ведения боевых действий, а также неучастием в сражениях тех, ради кого они велись (крупных инвесторов, манипулирующих государством). Толстой и его единомышленники считали, что аморальность южноафриканской войны и других вооруженных конфликтов того времени свидетельствовала о духовном кризисе европейских держав, который должен был привести к их ослаблению и социальным потрясениям. Чтобы избежать трагедии, российскому народу, по мнению Толстого, следовало извлечь уроки из Англо-бурской войны.

Language serves as a universal semiotic system that allows for the expression of emotions and cognitive processes of individuals from various cultures and societies. From this perspective, language is a key code for deciphering societal mentalities. In recent years, there has been a growing interest among researchers in studying the cultural component of language. As a result, contemporary linguistics is actively engaged in exploring how different cultural ways of perceiving and interpreting the world are reflected in oral culture, utilizing new and modern methodologies. One of the most striking cultural symbols that reflects popular beliefs in both Turkish and Russian languages is the word "gold". As a symbol of power, dominance, prosperity, and wealth in the history of both Turkish and Russian peoples, "gold" serves as a crucial key to understanding the worldview of individuals and societies within these cultures. Traces of popular beliefs about "gold" in Turkish and Russian cultures are particularly evident in stable language units. It is noticeable that the cultural symbol of "gold", beyond its primary meaning as a 'precious metal' , acquires additional semantic nuances and specific characteristics in figurative expressions. This study employs semiotic and linguoculturological methods to conduct a comparative analysis of set expressions, idioms, and proverbs containing the lexeme "gold" in Turkish and Russian. The aim is to identify and describe the representations and interpretations that shape Turkish and Russian folk understandings of "gold". The conducted research has shown that popular beliefs about "gold" are represented by a variety of lexical units in both Turkish and Russian languages, however, in the worldviews reflected in these languages, there are both common features and differences.

Introduction. The achievements and failures of the Soviet government aimed at combating Volga region famine in 1921-1922 had an impact on social policy in the first decade of the Soviet state. The study of the experience of social policy in relation to families and children evacuated from the Volga region is becoming especially relevant in modern conditions of searching for effective forms of social assistance to families trapped in areas of natural disasters and military conflicts. Methods and materials. The publication is based on numerous archival records, which contain documents on the organization of social work with families and children of the Volga region, resettled in 1921-1923 in the Smolensk province. The key methods were source analysis, methods of everyday history, and microhistory. The documents of the funds of the provincial and district commissions for helping the starving in the Volga region and the provincial and district health departments of the State Archives of the Smolensk region were studied. Analysis. The Сentrally developed plan for the evacuation of refugees went out of control in the first months due to a lack of local funds and an uncontrolled flow of refugees. The main efforts in the region were thrown at the organization of social work with evacuated children. Working with arriving children has become a serious test for local authorities. All financial costs for the maintenance of refugees fell on the region. The number of children who arrived in the province exceeded the planned values by more than 2 times. For the first time in the region, a new model of charity was tested, which consisted of the mass and mandatory participation of all groups of the population and foreign organizations. The main methods of working with children were placing them in specialized orphanages, opening sectoral orphanages, insulators and distributors, and placing children in foster families. The forced abandonment of children by refugee parents in order to save them from starvation has become widespread. Temporary delivery of children to peasant families for agricultural work was practiced. Bureaucratic mistakes, interdepartmental inconsistency, and local negligence led to poor provision of children with food, clothing, and medical care. Indirect data indicate high infant mortality. Many children remained in shelters in Smolensk and were not re-evacuated. Results. The archival material of the Smolensk region showed the difficulties of practical implementation of the plan of assistance to resettled families developed by the central authorities, the need for a flexible approach on the ground, and taking into account regional specifics. Funding.

Son illərdə yaranan bioqrafik əsərlərdə əsasən sovet dövründə sistem tərəfindən əzilən, qadağalara məruz qalaraq müəyyən çərçivələr daxilində yaşayıb yaratmış yaradıcı insanların taleyi əks olunur. Yaradıcı insanın qarşılaşdığı çətinliklərin, yaşadıqları ağrının canlandırıldığı bu əsərlərdə ədibin həyatı bütünlüklə deyil, əsasən, mürəkkəb və kəşməkəşli mərhələləri əks olunur. Faktlara, gerçək hadisələrə istinad edən müəlliflərin konkret şəxsin taleyini canlandırmaqla yanaşı, dövrün ümumiləşdirilmiş mənzərəsini təsvir etməyə çalışdıqları görünür. Məqalədə bədii və bədii-sənədli nəsr üçün xarakterik olan psixoloji təsvir vasitələri, psixologizmin xüsusiyyətləri araşdırılmışdır. Anarın "Həyatım ağrıyır", "Kərəm kimi" əsərləri təhlilə cəlb edilmiş, bioqrafik əsərlər üçün xarakterik olan üçüncü şəxs tərəfindən təhkiyə, müəllif konsepsiyası, assosiativ kompozisiya kimi xususiyyətlər təhlil edilmşdir.

В статье рассматриваются главные этапы строительства Покровского собора в Барановичах (1924–1931 гг.). Автор анализирует, каким образом в здание храма были включены элементы разрушенного в 1924–1926 гг. Собора Александра Невского в Варшаве.
Ключевые слова: Покровский собор в Барановичах, Собор Александра Невского в Варшаве, мозаики, Алексей Назаревский, Николай Оболонский.

Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine is arguably the most extensively documented conflict in modern history. While a substantial body of research has examined the war’s progression, its consequences, and various forms of social resilience within government-controlled areas of Ukraine, comparatively little scholarly attention has been devoted to the occupied territories. This disparity is largely due to the significant challenges and dangers associated with data collection in these regions, both for researchers and informants. Drawing on open-source data, this article investigates the most prominent resistance groups operating in the occupied territories and analyses the nature and scope of their activities.

e kadar diğer devletler nezdinde daimî elçilikleri bulunmayıp gerekli durumlarda geçici olarak diğer devletlerin başkentlerine elçiler göndermekteydi. III. Selim Dönemi'nde Osmanlı mukim elçiliklerinin kurulmasıyla öncelikle Avrupa'nın önde gelen başkentlerinde sürekli diplomatik temsilci bulundurma geleneği başladı. Diğer yandan 19. yüzyılda çeşitli vesilelerle fevkalade elçi gönderme geleneği devam etti. Bahse konu fevkalade elçilikler, yabancı devletleri ve hükümdarları farklı vesilelerle tebrik etmek, baş sağlığı dilemek, Osmanlı coğrafyasına yakın bölgelere gelen Avrupalı hükümdarlara nezaketen hoş geldin ziyaretinde bulunmak, belirli konferans, kongre gibi uluslararası platformlarda Osmanlı Devleti'ni temsil etmek gibi sebeplerle oluşturulmaktaydı. Osmanlı dış siyasetinin ve diplomasisinin önemli yapı taşları olarak görülebilecek ve özellikle 19. yüzyılın ikinci yarısında göze çarpan bu gibi fevkalade elçilikler, Osmanlı Devleti'ni ve padişahı temsil etmek görevi dışında, dönemin önemli iç ve dış meseleleri hakkında ilgili devletlerin hükümdarları ve bürokratlarıyla görüş alışverişinde bulunmak, ilgili konu hakkında o devletin fikrini ve tavrını anlamak, kısacası uluslararası meseleleri tartışma imkânı bularak buna göre siyaset geliştirmek üzerine bir fonksiyonu da yerine getir-* Bu çalışma, Türkiye Bilimler Akademisi, Üstün Başarılı Genç Bilim İnsanları Ödülleri Programı (TÜBA-GEBİP) tarafından desteklenen "Son Dönem Osmanlı Diplomasisinde Emperyal Tebrik: Cülus, Jübile ve Taç Giyme" başlıklı projenin ürünüdür. (TÜBA-GEBİP-2017/35).

Il generale di corpo d'armata, oggi al centro studi dell'Esercito, a Huffpost: "Minimizzare la minaccia russa è pericoloso. Se dovesse ottenere risultati positivi dalla guerra in Ucraina, andrebbe avanti nella sua politica revanscista, più volte dichiarata: Transnistria, Moldova e Paesi baltici potrebbero essere i prossimi obiettivi" 08 Aprile 2025

Son illərdə yaranan bioqrafik əsərlərdə əsasən sovet dövründə sistem tərəfindən əzilən, qadağalara məruz qalaraq müəyyən çərçivələr daxilində yaşayıb yaratmış yaradıcı insanların taleyi əks olunur. Yaradıcı insanın qarşılaşdığı çətinliklərin, yaşadıqları ağrının canlandırıldığı bu əsərlərdə ədibin həyatı bütünlüklə deyil, əsasən, mürəkkəb və kəşməkəşli mərhələləri əks olunur. Faktlara, gerçək hadisələrə istinad edən müəlliflərin konkret şəxsin taleyini canlandırmaqla yanaşı, dövrün ümumiləşdirilmiş mənzərəsini təsvir etməyə çalışdıqları görünür. Məqalədə bədii və bədii-sənədli nəsr üçün xarakterik olan psixoloji təsvir vasitələri, psixologizmin xüsusiyyətləri araşdırılmışdır. Anarın "Həyatım ağrıyır", "Kərəm kimi" əsərləri təhlilə cəlb edilmiş, bioqrafik əsərlər üçün xarakterik olan üçüncü şəxs tərəfindən təhkiyə, müəllif konsepsiyası, assosiativ kompozisiya kimi xususiyyətlər təhlil edilmşdir.

Traditional Soviet destabilisation tactics have undergone significant evolution under Putin’s leadership, adopting more nuanced and insidious forms. Russia’s persistent adherence to the Soviet-era strategy of “active measures”—now deployed with greater subtlety—remains a cornerstone of its foreign policy. A destabilised West is less likely to scrutinise Moscow’s political and geopolitical transgressions, or its military actions that openly challenge the liberal international order.

This article critically examines the covert dimensions of Russia’s political warfare aimed at undermining Western stability. The Kremlin’s strategic imperative to fracture solidarity within the European Union and to weaken transatlantic ties—particularly in response to the unified economic sanctions imposed by the United States and the EU following Russia’s aggressive war against sovereign Ukraine—has necessitated an adaptation of “active measures” to contemporary global realities.

We analyse key tactics and strategies employed by Russia in its covert confrontation with major Western institutions such as the EU and NATO. Ultimately, this study seeks to elucidate how the Soviet doctrine of “active measures” has become virtually synonymous with the concept of “political warfare,” situated within the broader and evolving paradigm of “hybrid warfare.”

This Special Issue is closely linked to the international conference Research on Social and Affective Factors in Home Language Maintenance and Development (#HOLM2023), which was held at Tallinn University, Estonia, from 14 to 16 December 2023. Organized by the AILA Research Network (ReN) on Social and Affective Factors in Home Language Maintenance and Development, HOLM 2023 served as an interdisciplinary forum for scholars investigating the multilayered dynamics of multilingualism within family settings. The conference emphasized the social and emotional dimensions of home language practices, encompassing themes such as Family Language Policy (FLP), digital literacies, translanguaging, bilingual socialization, and the roles of educators and parents in language development. Many contributions from #HOLM2023 have been developed into scholarly articles featured in the current Special Issue, as well as in two additional Special Issues (see Zabrodskaja et al., 2025; Zabrodskaja, forthcoming). These publications collectively advance the field by providing empirical insights and theoretical frameworks that illuminate the complex interplay between language practices, identity formation, and emotional well-being in multilingual families. By bridging conference discussions with peer-reviewed scholarship, this Special Issue not only disseminates cutting-edge research but also fosters ongoing dialogue among academics, educators, and policymakers dedicated to supporting linguistic diversity and heritage language maintenance in an increasingly globalized world.

Without much notice from Western commentators, during the past half a decade, the Kremlin's propagandists have begun pushing a new myth about Russia's greatness. They claim that Russian is Europe's most widely spoken native language. On the other hand, Moscow decries the supposedly endangered status of Russian across the continent. Propaganda Weaponized In this age of Russia's full-scale military onslaught on Ukraine and parallel hybrid assaults on the rest of Europe, propaganda is like yet another missile, drone or ballistic rocket. It does not raze Ukrainian cities or perpetrate arson attacks. But misinformation sows confusion and devastates critical thinking, thus, playing into the aggressive Kremlin's hands. Lies, big lies, statistics and propaganda, or the Kremlin's Pravda 'truth,' which used to be the mendacious title of the Soviet Union's main daily mouthpiece. Russia 'justifies' its war on Ukraine, claiming that neither the Ukrainian language, nation nor state exist. On the other hand, the Kremlin decries russophobia allegedly spreading in Ukraine and elsewhere in Europe. As though the growing anti-Russian sentiment had nothing to do with restive Russia and its program of neo-imperial reconquista. The slogan is 'Like our grandfathers in World War II, we will win in Ukraine' and then in Europe.

H ilan B ensu san'* Há algum tempo os autores deste artigo têm divergido sobre o naturalismo enquanto postura meta-filosófica, que tem muitas im plicações na maneira como se concebe a relação entre a filosofia e a c iê n c ia . D e cid ira m , e n tã o , expor as suas p o siçõ es a d o ta n d o , deliberadam ente, um estilo epistolar que preserva, em grande m e dida, o das cartas que foram, efetivamente, trocadas entre eles. Espera-se, com esse estilo informal, não somente m anter o caráter ví vido de um debate que prossegue, mas também contribuir para que os le ito res se sintam p articip an d o do m esm o. As m issivas são identificadas pelas iniciais de cada autor, seguidas do número indi cando a sua sequência: H l, H2 e H3 para Hilan; P I e P2 para Pau lo. As missivas aparecem em laudas numeradas para facilitar as re ferências que são feitas a determinadas passagens. A o final, cada um faz uma avaliação do debate. Os autores se esforçaram para in cluir, muitas vezes em notas, esclarecimentos complem entares sobre os assuntos discutidos e definir, na medida do possível, os termos técnicos, de modo que aqueles que não tenham tido contato prévio com a tem ática possam compreender o que está em jogo. Temas mais gerais em teoria do conhecim ento são abordados ao longo do deba te, de maneira que essa correspondência pode tam bém servir para

The paper for the first time addresses two cases of medieval “feminization” of a whole ethnos as expressed through the transfer of specifically female biological conditions onto men. The cases under consideration are the Jewish male menses and the “debility” of Ulstermen. The evidence shows that the idea of Jewish “flux sanguinis” — although not directly and not always comparable to the women’s menses — was widely recognized and can be traced from the second half of the 12th century, thus mirroring the low social status and isolation of this ethnic minority. On the other hand, the debility of the Ulstermen which some sources compare to the pregnancy and which has been linked to the rite of couvade is too obscure since the texts do not say very much about it, and when they do, the information they give is inconsistent and contradictory. Given that the debility is not mentioned elsewhere outside the Táin Bó Cúailnge and seems not to match social presuppositions obvious in the Jewish case, it can be regarded as a narrative tool for bringing the Táin plot into motion. However, it must be also counted to the “feminization” motifs — taken perhaps from some other tradition, which would explain its alienness that evidently caused troubles already to the medieval redactors.

Carlik Rusya’si zamaninda Dogu Turkistan tarihi uzerine incelemelerde bulunan onemli bilim adamlari yetismistir. Bu bilim adamlarindan biri Tumgeneral Vasiliy Fedorovic Novitskiy’dir. Kendisi iyi bir asker olan Novitskiy, ayni zamanda iyi bir tarihci ve etnograftir.  Hindistan’dan Fergana’ya seyahati esnasinda kaleme almis oldugu Iz indii vi Ferganu adli eserinde ozellikle 19. yuzyilin son donemlerine dair Dogu Turkistan tarihi hakkinda vermis oldugu bilgilerle bu alandaki incelemelere buyuk katki saglamistir. Bu makalede Tumgeneral Vasiliy Fedorovic Novitskiy’in hayati, eserleri ve Dogu Turkistan cografyasi hakkinda verdigi bilgiler aktarilmak suretiyle bu alandaki calismalara katkida bulunulmaya calisilmistir.

Japon yönetmen Akira Kurosawa, sinemayı yalnızca bir anlatım aracı olarak değil; aynı zamanda etik, felsefi ve varoluşsal sorunların sinematografik karşılığı olarak kullanan öncü bir figürdür. Bu makalede Kurosawa'nın film dilinde öne çıkan anlatı yapısı, kamera kullanımı, doğa temsili, mekân estetiği, renk ve ışık seçimi, müzik-ses ilişkisi gibi unsurlar detaylı biçimde analiz edilmiştir. Rashomon (1950), Ikiru (1952) ve Seven Samurai (1954) gibi başyapıtlar aracılığıyla Kurosawa'nın biçimsel tercihlerinin tematik derinlikle nasıl örtüştüğü gösterilmiştir. Ayrıca yönetmenin hem Japon sinema geleneği hem de Batı klasikleriyle kurduğu çift yönlü ilişkiler de karşılaştırmalı olarak değerlendirilmiştir.

This briefing synthesizes insights from the provided sources, focusing on the current Ukrainian policy of "Ukrainization," its motivations and criticisms, and a surprising historical comparison to the 1968 Prague Spring. The sources identify the current Ukrainian policy of "Ukrainization" as a complex and sensitive topic, particularly since 2014 and intensified after the 2022 invasion. This policy aims to strengthen national identity and is seen by some as a "comprehensible, perhaps even necessary reaction to an existential threat." A. Core Objectives: 1. Strengthening National Unity: • Promotion of the Ukrainian language (e.g., the 2019 language law). • Decommunization: Renaming streets and places, removing Soviet symbols. • Data suggests a "recht hohe Selbstidentifikation als Ukrainer" (quite high selfidentification as Ukrainians), indicating a drive to foster a stronger collective identity ("Wirgefühl schaffen"). 1. Repelling Russian Influence: • Banning of Russian media (since 2014) is cited as a key instrument. • Support for a pro-Russian course is reported to have significantly decreased to "nur noch etwa 3 %" (only about 3%). • Figures from 2023 show "über 80% Unterstützung für einen EU-und NATOBitritt" (over 80% support for EU and NATO accession). • Considered a "reine Notwendigkeit" (pure necessity) in the context of the ongoing war. While the goals are acknowledged, the sources shift to a critical analysis of the methods employed, warning of "Riesigen bei der Umsetzung" (risks in implementation). A. Criticisms of Methods: 1. Mobilization: • Criticism of recruitment centers (TTCs), with a Polish document reportedly drawing "Vergleiche zu den Lapki, also den Ratzien im Zweiten Weltkrieg" (comparisons to the "Lapki," or raids, in World War II) -a "sehr drastischer Vergleich" (very drastic comparison). • Attempts to evade mobilization are highlighted, with a BBC report (August 2023) stating "fast 20.000 Männern, die versucht haben sollen, illegal auszureisen" (almost 20,000 men who allegedly tried to leave illegally).

Струве П.Б. Великая Россия. Избранные сочинения (1901–1938) / сост., предисл., коммент. М. А. Колерова. Калининград: Издательство БФУ им. И. Канта, 2024. 

Вниманию читателя предлагается сборник избранных трудов Пе тра Бернгардовича Струве (1870–1944) —  авторитетного русского политика, экономиста, философа, государственного деятеля, участника Белого движения. Главное в наследии П. Б. Струве —  попытка соединить либеральные ценности с программой государственного строительства, сформулировать принципы политического национализма. Настоящее издание композиционно реконструирует такие не получившие реализацию книжные проекты П. Б. Струве, как очерки «Культура и свобода» (1905), «Государство, интеллигенция, революция» (1908), монография «Основы политической экономии» (1923). Также представлен ряд особенно ярких научных трудов П. Б. Струве эмигрантского периода, посвященных Античности и Средневековью.

This thesis seeks to demonstrate the extent to which secularizing tendencies are present in Russian vitae of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to examine what role these tendencies play in the evolution of sacred life-writing and also consider how they reflect changing perceptions of and attitudes towards sanctity. By the later medieval period, Russian hagiographical writing had evolved beyond the primarily edificatory goals of the early Russian Orthodox Church, and had become a more varied and sophisticated literary medium used to great effect by the hagiographer to present a political, legal, socio-cultural or ideological message which was distinctly secular in nature. Despite the continuing ideological constraints of the Church, hagiographers succeeded in manipulating and refashioning the established patterns of traditional rhetorical vitae in order to express more powerfully an opinion on a variety of non-ecclesiastical affairs. Several native Russian vitae dating to the ...

This article examines the role of religion in Russia's national security system through the lens of ontological security, assessing whether contemporary Russia is undergoing a process of desecularisation or, conversely, an intensified form of secularisation. Employing the theoretical framework of ontological security, this study argues that Russia's securitisation of religion serves as a mechanism for consolidating state control, legitimising authoritarian governance, and constructing a distinct civilisational identity in opposition to Western liberalism. The Russian Orthodox Church, rather than functioning as an autonomous religious institution, has been absorbed into the state apparatus, where it operates as an instrument of state ideology. Religious rhetoric permeates Russian strategic security documents, reinforcing narratives of national exceptionalism, historical continuity, and moral superiority, particularly in justifying Russia's geopolitical ambitions and military actions, including its war against Ukraine. The analysis challenges prevailing interpretations of religious resurgence in Russia, arguing that the increasing presence of religion in public life does not necessarily signify desecularisation. Instead, the instrumentalisation of religion for political and security purposes suggests a process of extreme secularisation, wherein religious institutions lose their autonomy and doctrinal substance, becoming tools of state power.

Realists have tended to under-theorize state behaviour in a hegemonic system. A hegemonic power arrangement lies between absolute anarchy and hierarchy, and thus produces some degree of order and stability. Under such a system, legitimacy becomes much more relevant since subordinate states expect the hegemon to provide collective goods. Now that Latin America has embraced democracy and capitalism, the United States has finally achieved hegemony in the western hemisphere. Consequently, the United States must develop a new, more principled foreign policy toward Latin America—a policy that yields security, prosperity, and democracy for all states in the system. Moving beyond criticism, we propose several concrete changes to US policy that would enhance America’s image and leadership in Latin America.

The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

Man kann die postsowjetische Periode 1989-2022 bereits heute als eine eigenständige, ja sogar prägende Epoche der modernen Weltgeschichte betrachten. Sie resultierte aus dem spektakulären Ende des Sowjetsystems und endete mit der Großinvasion Russlands in der Ukraine. Diese gut dreißigjährige Ära eröffnete den Völkern Osteuropas und Nordeurasiens eine einzigartige Möglichkeit, Freiheitsformen selbst zu gestalten und eigene schöpferischen Potentiale zu erproben. Eine weitere Besonderheit der postsowjetischen Epoche in ihrem Raum war, dass sie-im Gegensatz zur Zeit der Russischen Revolution und des Bürgerkriegs 1917-1924-nur eine vergleichsweise geringe Zahl an Toten forderte. Stattdessen unternahmen die Bürger der UdSSR-Nachfolgestaaten den Versuch, freie Politik und Wirtschaft zu etablieren sowie kollektive Emanzipation und persönliche Freiheit zu erlangen. Obwohl diese Versuche in den meisten Fällen scheiterten, war die politische Kreativität der postsowjetischen Menschen-ob nun bezüglich ihrer demokratischen Errungenschaften oder autokratischen Brüche-faszinierend. Eine unvoreingenommene Analyse dieser politischen Kreativität trägt dazu bei, angemessene Lehren aus der postsowjetischen Periode zu ziehen. Es ist für die neuen osteuropäischen und nordeurasischen Gesellschaften essentiell, dem Teufelskreis aus Tragödie und Zerstörung entgegenzuwirken sowie künftig eine nachhaltige Entwicklung zu gewährleisten.

Just when it seems that enough has been said about the history of writing reforms in modern China-well-charted as the terrain has become in recent years by scholars in history, literary studies, linguistics, critical theory, science and technology studies-Uluğ Kuzuoğlu offers us a refreshing and necessary revision to the familiar story.

Way of the Pilgrim: A World Republic of Prayers
Choi Chatterjee (California State University, Los Angeles)


    I am writing a book about the worldly travels of The Way of a Pilgrim (Otkrovennye rasskazy strannika dukhovnomy svoemu otsu), a 19th-century Russian Orthodox text, as it sparked spiritual conversations in Russia, the United Kingdom, the United States, and India.  A simply written narrative about the importance of “spiritual eldership” and the practice of "incessant prayer," The Way of a Pilgrim was published in Kazan, Russia, in 1881. It was written to instruct the monk in his cell and provide spiritual comfort to the layman on the road who lacked a spiritual mentor. The Pilgrim describes his experiments with recitative inner prayer as a way to reach inner stillness (heyschia) and ultimately, theosis, or participation in the divine light. But the artless nature of the pilgrim’s spiritual seeking, his genuine attempts to learn how to pray, his profound humility, and his inner struggles touch a chord in the modern reader. This explains the enduring appeal of the text to seekers from spiritual traditions around the world.
      The book influenced the Russian religious and cultural imagination significantly, and many eminent intellectuals commented on the text as they grappled with the archetypal Russian figure of the strannik (the seeker, and the wanderer) who, in imitation of Christ, left home to walk through the vast spaces of Russia. From the 1930s, The Way of a Pilgrim made its way across the world, sparking interest and spiritual conversations but not conversions. It became a bestseller in the West when Father Reginald Michael French, an Anglican Vicar in Hampstead, London, published the first English translation in 1930. It was republished multiple times thereafter. Eminent Anglican and Orthodox scholars such as Fr. R. M. French, Metropolitan Kallistos Ware, Fr. Andrew Louth, and T. S. Eliot in the United Kingdom further drew attention to the book in the Anglophone world through their research into hesychasm and philokalic texts. It entered American popular culture through the works of British expatriate intellectuals such as Christopher Isherwood, Aldous Huxley, Somerset Maugham, and Gerald Heard, among others. These British intellectuals had formed a close community with Swami Prabhavananda, a Hindu monk and scholar who started the Vedanta Center in Los Angeles in 1930.  Swami Prabhavananda referenced the Way of a Pilgrim in many of his books on Hindu philosophy and assigned it to his Western disciples to help them start their journey in meditation and prayer. When noted American writer J. D. Salinger, Swami Nikhilananda's disciple at the New York Vedanta Center, discussed the book in his famous short stories, Franny and Zooey (1961), The Way of a Pilgrim became a mainstay of American popular culture. It has gained significant popularity in Orthodox, Catholic, Protestant, Hindu, Buddhist, Jewish, and Sufi traditions and non-denominational spiritual circles in the last century and a half. In the twenty-first century, the Pilgrim continues on his way, building a World Republic of Prayers.

В статье характеризуется динамика оплаты труда в сфере науки на протяжении
советского периода. Выдвигается гипотеза, что изменения заработной платы,
закрепленные в нормативных документах, отражают долговременные тенденции научной политики и осознанные решения власти по распределению ресурсов между различными группами (квалификационными, территориальными, представителями академической, вузовской, отраслевой науки и т. п.). Характеризуя изменения, автор приходит к следующим выводам: 1) в советской науке доминировала линия не на индивидуальное поощрение конкретного научного работника, а на поддержку научных коллективов, аффилированных с сектором (академический, вузовский, отраслевой) и конкретной организацией (в зависимости от присвоенной научной категории); 2) процессы стратификации советского научного сообщества носили скрытый характер и предполагали отсутствие конкурентного распределения ресурсов — периодические попытки стимулирования индивидуальной эффективности ученых имели «наказующий», а не «поощрительный» характер; 3) регулирование заработной платы оказывалось не вполне эффективным инструментом научной политики в условиях несовпадения реальной и номинальной заработной платы в сфере науки, инфляционных процессов, разницы товарной стоимости рубля для различных групп, непрозрачности советской экономики. В этом отношении оценка принципа материального стимулирования труда в науке должна носить комплексный характер, учитывать весь спектр практик не только финансового, но и социально-бытового обеспечения науки. Исследование построено на широком круге источников из фондов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Российского государственного архива новейшей
истории, в том числе впервые вводимых в научный оборот

В статье исследуется становление процедуры защит диссертаций с ограничительными грифами («секретно», «совершенно секретно», «совершенно секретно особой государственной важности» и «особая папка») в 1950-е гг. В качестве основных причин внимания системы научной аттестации к этому сюжету в послевоенный период автор указывает на усиление цензуры, увеличение количества диссертаций на «закрытые» темы и лаконичность правовой базы-в условиях неразработанности последней не обеспечивалось требование соблюдения секретности. В 1950-е гг. Отделом науки и высших учебных заведений ЦК ВКП(б)-КПСС были подготовлены Положение и Инструкция о порядке представления и защиты кандидатских и докторских диссертаций с грифом, определён перечень вузов и научных учреждений, установлен порядок хранения работ и определён круг доступа к ним. В основу исследования положены документы РГАНИ и РГАСПИ.

This study challenges the assumption that war inevitably weakens democracy. We examine the remarkable case of Ukraine, where a surge in democratic commitment has emerged in the face of the Russian invasion. This paradoxical resilience is explored through the lens of unwavering dedication to democracy, aspirations for freedom, and a vibrant civil societyall acting as bulwarks against authoritarian aggression. Employing survey data and insights from democracy monitoring projects, we analyze the sources of Ukraine's democratic resilience, contrasting its path with Russia's authoritarian consolidation. The findings reveal how the war has galvanized Ukrainian society, strengthening its commitment to democratic principles in a fight for freedom, sovereignty, and European aspirations. This research sheds light on how democracies can fortify their resilience in wartime and offers valuable insights for resisting authoritarian pressures.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US and Russian Federation relations have been experienced ups and downs. The period of believing the end of long-lasting competition between the two countries after the cold war was too short enough to approve the optimistic analysis of Westerners politicians. The next developments showed quickly the distance between Moscow and Washington's views on issues of international peace and security. On the one hand, Russia's growing concerns about the former republics on its own periphery were intensified by the increasing effects of the Global War on Terrorism. On the other hand, the US growing presence in West Asia, Afghanistan and Iraq, and then Syrian crisis, Iranian nuclear program and deployment of the US Missile Defense System in Europe, prepared the ground for creating more confrontation between them. A decade after the independence of the former Soviet Republics, Russian president, Vladimir Putin, crafted and fixed a pragmatic foreign policy. Dmitry Medvedev, the next President of Russia, put this policy on the path of "reset", which is now facing with complicated problems. However, the question raised by this article is: "What internal, regional or international factors changed the Russian and US relations during Medvedev's presidency? This paper is based on a descriptive-analytic method, and to examine the mechanisms of this change from the Russian point of view, it studies the positions of its experts.

This paper aims to explore the emergence of a political and social phenomenon, namely political parties, during a specific period in the history of contemporary Iran, in order to move beyond simple analyses and present a deeper and more accurate understanding of political parties in Iran. The question thatthis paper aims to answer pertains to the emergence of the Executives of the Construction of Iran Party (Kargozaran-e Sazandegi-e Iran) and the role of the Hashemi Rafsanjani administration’s modernization efforts. In order to do so, among three main theories, modernization theory has been selected as the theoretical framework. The paper also uses secondary data analysis as its methodology. In new theories of modernization, instead of focusing on ‘ideal types’, the focus is shifted toward historical features specific to each society. The findings of this research demonstrate that there is a direct link between the HashemiRafsaniani administration’s modernizations and the emergence ...

Russia's relations with Hamas is of a great importance because from one hand, this organization has been listed as a terrorist organization in the US and Europe and from the other, Moscow's relations with this Palestinian organization includes many political contradictions for the both sides. Hamas, at least verbally, has always supported Islamic movements throughout the world, which includes the Chechens in the North Caucasus. Putin's government made an apparent effort to enhance relations with the Middle Eastern countries -pro-US and anti-US, Arab and non-Arab. It is noteworthy that in this process, it established close relations with both major Palestinian Organizations -Fatah and Hamas -and also with Lebanon's Hezbollah. The question of this paper is why Moscow, despite all the mentioned differences, has continued to expand its relations with Hamas? The author surveys the development in Russia's Middle East policy, then its impact on the relations of Russia with Palestinian groups, like Hamas.

Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO), based on regional and multicultural cooperation, has focused on the improvement of living standards, collective as well as individual prosperity of people and economic development of member's states. Since February 1992 ECO has been expanded to ten as the result of collapse of the Soviet Union. Of course, gas and oil are very important factors in this regard. ECO has followed its two major plans in the context of "Action Plan" and "Istanbul Declaration". Each of these documents is an indication of overall goals of this organization by 2005. One of the most important goals of ECO members has been accelerated of economic growth and development. The main question of this paper is: "Has ECO been able to fulfill declared goals among member states?" The hypothesis of this paper is: ECO has failed to achieve these goals. Prove of this hypothesis makes the revision of ECO activities a necessary step.

Moğol kökenli olan Çingiz Han Türk tarihinin bir parçası kabul edilirse ki etmek gereklidir. Dünya hükümdarlığı fikri ile yola çıkmış birçok dünya liderinden biridir. Bu dünya liderleri gittikleri coğrafyalarda neler yapmışlarsa Çingiz Han'da onu veya daha az benzerini yapmıştır. Bazı Ermeni vakainüvistler yazdıkları eserlerinde kendi yaptıkları ölüm saçan icraatlarını göz ardı edip, Çingiz Han'ın komutanlarının yaptıklarını abartarak anlatmaları hakkaniyet ölçüleriyle bağdaşmamaktadır. Çingiz'in komutanları Şüregel'i aldıktan sonra huzur ortamı bir ara sağlanmış ve birçok eserin yapımı temin edilebilmiştir. Yazımızın içinde Şüregel'de egemen olan komutanlar ve bıraktıkları eserler kitabelerden ve vakayinamelerden yararlanılarak kısaca belirtilecektir.